Interestingly, a look to the left reveals a similar
disavowal of the need for collective change. Karen Lehrman, a
liberal feminist, concurs with Hymowitz that “the
contemporary women's movement [has] outlived its
usefulness.” Lehrman's reasoning is that feminist ideology
has become too restrictive. Because women have been freed from
the code of femininity that kept us in the kitchen, she believes
that we are now each making our own individual conscious
choices. She, along with other feminist writers, claims that
women are no longer victims of society, no longer held down. In
fact, she argues that a monolithic feminism—that sees
women's oppression everywhere—is now oppressive to women's
full and varied expression of who we are. As she writes in
The Lipstick Proviso, “Women don't have to
sacrifice their individuality, or even their
femininity—whatever that means to each of them—in
order to be equal.” While Lehrman believes feminism is
critical for women's lives, she asserts that any collective
movement that claims to represent the good of women as a whole
is obsolete. She upholds each woman's right to seek success and
security as she sees fit. Lehrman does suggest that the fact
that so many women still seem to be freely choosing the security
of home life means that we need to question more deeply what it
truly means to make autonomous choices. For Lehrman, this deeper
questioning will not come from participation in an organized
movement but only through personal choice. In essence, she
argues that it is now up to each individual woman to work out
her own relationship with a divided world. Ironically, choice,
the mantra of the feminist movement, has proven to be a
double-edged sword—at first cutting through rigid
restrictions on what women can do and now, through an emphasis
on individualism, cutting off continued collective change.
It's the emphasis on personal choice without any larger
context that marks the new postmodern, liberal status quo
expressed by Lehrman and other Gen-X and Gen-Y feminists.
“Do what you want, when you want” is the motto of a
glitzily packaged feminism that attempts to move beyond
victimization to a celebration of power. In Manifesta,
Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards deplore the fact that
the feminist slogan “the personal is political” has
been “misinterpreted to mean that what an individual woman
does in her personal life (like watching porn, wearing
garter belts, dyeing her hair, having an affair, earning money,
shaving her legs) undermines her feminist credibility.” In
other words, because personal choice has become the core liberal
feminist value, what those choices are don't matter.
All is fair and feminist as long as you feel free and powerful.
Lehrman goes so far as to suggest that it doesn't really matter
what motivates a woman to exercise power as long as the choice
is in her hands: “While. . . some women may not want too
much power in the public sphere . . . many women want a great
deal of it. And many women want power for reasons that don't
always suit everyone's tastes. Some women want power solely to
be able to buy expensive clothes, big houses, and elegant cars.
Others want power to make political decisions that don't exactly
chime with the reigning politically correct agenda. And many
women (even some outspoken feminists) don't always acquire power
or wield it in the nicest way.” The new feminist freedom
simply comes down to doing—and getting—what you
want.
These statements express no sense of right or wrong, better
or worse—no moral claims—just a sense of entitlement
to do as one pleases. Thus, while feminism has been harshly
critiqued for creating an ideal of woman-as-victim, continually
entitled to redress and special treatment, these recent
approaches to feminism, ironically enough, express the
entitlement of the postmodern narcissist that is the victim's
alter ego. Both the position of victimization and the position
of narcissistic entitlement are liberated from any sense of
responsibility to anything other than the self. Moreover, doing
what you want when you want it may not be freedom at all, but
simply bondage to compulsively narcissistic cravings for sex,
affirmation, pleasure, and power. In fact, the avowed amorality
of postmodernism (which, for example, may sound like, “I
have no right to judge anyone else's truth” or even
“Before you say anything judgmental, walk a mile in that
person's shoes”) is part of the reason that there has been
such an extreme backlash against organized feminism from classic
conservatives and fundamentalists. Feminism—as one aspect
of postmodernity—is condemned for having led to the
dissolution of the family, irresponsible parenting, and
self-destructive promiscuity among girls. This is only true if
one equates “feminism” with the entirety of the
pluralist postmodernism that has eroded the moral consensus of
the culture, which would be a vast oversimplification.
Postmodern feminism, regardless of its guise, is what we
need to move beyond. The Janus-faced woman—simultaneously
victimized and entitled—has trapped us in a narcissism
that keeps us from working for the collective evolution of
woman. And I would agree with many critics, such as Hymowitz and
Lehrman, that feminism as an ideology has become
strange—and estranged from women's lives. (The oft-cited,
albeit distorted, position of the late pioneer Andrea Dworkin,
who declared that all heterosexual sex is rape, is but one
example.)
I have a suggestion: Why don't we abandon feminism as a
postmodern ideology and instead embrace women's liberation as an
evolutionary process? This could be the place from which to move
forward. The willingness of the sixties activist women to open
their own minds and evolve their own consciousness was
considered extreme and even crazy, but today even conservatives
can calmly note that the movement is over because it has
succeeded so well in giving women options in life. This capacity
to make real choices has been a true gift of feminism,
specifically, and of postmodernity, in general. The next task is
far more overwhelming: to move beyond the mere recognition and
acceptance of pluralism's many perspectives and attempt to bring
a higher integration to our fractured world. And whether or not
we can reach that goal will depend on our ability to liberate
ourselves from the deeper conditioning that rules our choices,
the conditioning that compels us toward safety and
self-satisfaction. Gaining freedom of choice is only the first
step to becoming a conscious moral agent. After that, the nature
of the choices that we make is critical—we can either
support the status quo or we can reach for a higher perspective,
a new moral ground, an evolution in women's consciousness.
There are some women who have pointed beyond the endless
self-seeking of postmodernism. Interestingly (at the risk of
alienating my younger sisters), they come from the old guard of
the women's liberation movement. Their insights, taken together,
call for us to move in a very different direction and, perhaps,
can provide starting principles for the next phase of women's
liberation.
1. We have to judge—starting with a good look in
the mirror. In a poignant reckoning with the actions of
Pfc. Lynndie England in Abu Ghraib prison, author Barbara
Ehrenreich acknowledges that simply allowing women to have
choices—to be in the military, for example—will not
change the world. Why? Because “women can do the
unthinkable,” the morally repugnant and downright evil.
Her response pulls on us to give up the nineteenth-century
belief that we women have less violence and more care in our
hearts than men and to reckon with the reality of what we are
truly capable of. Even as Ehrenreich appreciates England's
predicament, her willingness to judge the young woman's actions
invites us to make the critical distinction between, on the one
hand, supporting the status quo and, on the other, transforming
ourselves and society. All choices are not equal.
2. We need to create a higher moral ground beyond the
self. Moral choices are the basis of our relationships with
each other, and they cannot simply be based on what feels good
or right to the individual. Nor can we move back to the
rule-based personal morality of the religious traditions. Those
moral codes were created for an ordered feudal society, not for
an individualistic consumer culture. Carol Gilligan, in her
groundbreaking work, In a Different Voice, discovered
that men and women often use very different criteria for making
moral choices—which is to be expected, given that both
traditional and modern societies place men and women in very
different roles. Yet, at the end of her book, she suggests that
the next stage in moral evolution will demand that we move
beyond this polarity of masculine and feminine ways of thinking
and being. “In . . . maturity,” she says,
“both perspectives converge.”
3. We have to reach beyond gender. To find our way
to a new moral ground, we need to question our compulsive
choices—the desire for sexual power, the pull toward
security—and to seek something new beyond woman as we have
known her. Gloria Steinem has been speaking for a few years
about moving “beyond gender,” yet what that means
remains vague. No wonder. It demands an extraordinary effort to
find out who we are, beyond the victim, the entitled narcissist,
the sexual provocateur, or any of the many faces of Eve. The
transformation of consciousness that would be unleashed by women
making choices for something beyond either personal
success/power or the security of the hearth could transform
society “once and for all” in ways we cannot imagine
now.
4. Hierarchy is essential. Riane Eisler, author of
The Chalice and the Blade, argues against the
postmodern credo that disavows vertical hierarchy in human
relationship. “There is so much unreality about what we
should move towards,” she observes. “People need
structure. The issue is what kind of structure. We do need
hierarchy. Hierarchy is an actualization where accountability
doesn't just flow from the bottom up, it also flows from the top
down.” If we place a value on the development of
consciousness, we automatically create a hierarchy: those with a
more evolved and inclusive perspective have a greater
responsibility to work for the development of the whole. That
means that we privileged postmoderns have to take the
responsibility of being the elite to push the leading edge
further.
What I hear in these women's voices is a call for a new kind
of elite. The continuing liberation of the consciousness of
woman will only come from those at the edge who feel an urgent
need to move forward for the sake of humankind. The success of
women's liberation thus far did not come about through simply
seeking what I want. It came about through reaching for
change far beyond the individual. As Susan Estrich, in her
latest book, Sex and Power, asks the generations who
have chosen postmodern self-satisfaction, “What about the
sense of power and possibility that comes with the realization
that what is is not inevitable, that the struggle is larger than you, that change is possible?” Right, what about that? Isn't women's liberation about the transformation of the world as ourselves? This is perhaps the most critical step toward something new. No longer can the context for our lives be the postmodern pursuit of pleasure and power or even the modernist desire for worldly success and homebound security. Without our eyes on something far greater than ourselves, we will never intervene “once and for all” on our own behalf. And if we don't, as Wolf warns us, “the future is ours to lose.”